By Luis López
During this quantity, Luis López sheds new mild on info constitution and makes an important contribution to paintings on grammatical operations within the Minimalist software. via a cautious research of dislocations and concentration fronting in Romance, the writer exhibits that notions reminiscent of 'topic' and 'focus', as frequently outlined, yield no predictions and proposes as a substitute a function procedure in response to the notions 'discourse anaphor' and 'contrast'. He provides an in depth version of syntax---information-structure interplay and argues that this interplay happens on the section point, with a privileged position for the sting of the section. extra, he investigates phenomena about the syntax of gadgets in Romance and Germanic - accusative A, p-movement, clitic doubling, scrambling, item shift - and indicates that there are cross-linguistic correlations among syntactic configuration and specificity, self reliant of discourse connectedness. the amount ends with a longer research of the syntax of dislocations in Romance.
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Additional info for A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure
Inf the Joan at Mass The intriguing conclusion seems to be that the dislocated constituent refers to the most accessible antecedent available. 40) that would be el Joan, the last antecedent that has been introduced into the discourse and the focus of the very last sentence before dislocation. ) a. 41 Ant2 …Ant1 …Disl b. *Ant …Ant …Disl 2 1 c. Ant2 …Ant1 …Disl1 …Disl2 Thus, locality in this context is similar but not identical to what we Wnd in purely syntactic relations. For instance, an anaphor must refer to an antecedent within a domain, but not necessarily the closest antecedent: in ‘Mary showed Susan to herself ’, herself can refer to Mary or to Susan.
But there are also substantial similarities between fronted focused constituents and wh-phrases, D-linked or not. The clearest similarity is that they both move to the left periphery. The second one is that both open up quantiWcational sets. Thus, both FF and wh-phrases are [+c] (Vallduvı´ and Vilkuna 1998) and the feature [+c] is connected with the left periphery. A second advantage is conceptual. It has often been pointed out (see McNally 1998, in particular) that ‘‘regular focus’’ or ‘‘rheme’’ is the least marked situation from the point of view of syntax (nothing happens to regular focus), semantics, and pragmatics.
A Wrst advantage is that there are constituents that are neither anaphoric nor focused, that is, non-D-linked wh-phrases. Although after Culicover and Rochemont (1983) and Horvath (1986), syntacticians have often referred to wh-phrases as ‘‘focus,’’ it is obvious that wh-phrases do not resolve a free variable (pretty much the contrary). I suggest that what non-D-linked whphrases and regular focused phrases have in common is simply that they are not anaphoric, that is, they are [Àa]. But there are also substantial similarities between fronted focused constituents and wh-phrases, D-linked or not.
A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure by Luis López